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Thread: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

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    Default The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    Well, the title says all

    The discussion about the Seljuks of Rūm has started here, basically following remarks from JoC about Anatolia. I guess giving a specific thread to that faction is better to keep all info in one place.

    Basically, there are 3 points that need to be discussed:
    - Anatolian Provinces names
    - Banners and faction's symbol for Rūm
    - Units roster

    For those who are ready for a long read, have a look at the following link: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/saljuqs-iii
    That's probably one of the best source I've found so far about Rūm.
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    Jurand of Cracow's Avatar History and gameplay!
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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    I would add also 3 other sorts issues where info would be useful, I think:
    - starting settlements, including their size and buildings present;
    - starting armies, generals (names, age, features), and other;
    - provincial titles' names for the Turkish governors (see here).


    Given that people usually don't scroll through the ancient threads, I'd like to repeat arguments already presented (my thoughts are not quoted for the sake of easy reading):

    Provinces' names:
    - Soutern Cappadocia is now around Malatya, on the eastern side of the Antitaurus. I don't think it's the proper name since Cappadocia were on the western side of the mountais, it was the Halys basin area. Eg. in the Broken Crescent this part is called Lesser Armenia (which I also have doubts). Commagene would be more pertinent I think (but I'm not certain).
    --- the central part of the current SSHIP province Lycia is made out of the historical Pamphylia while spreading west to Lycia and east to some parts of Rough Cilicia / Isauria. I'm not sure about the use of "Pamphylia" term in 12th century, but at the moment it sounds right to me. In the Roman times there're was a province "Lycia and Pamphylia" here (although for a short time). Lycia was in fact just a small hilly land with some rivers and some towns sitting on them. I don't think we should use it in SSHIP for such a vast province.
    --- there's no Pontus province in SSHIP. I believe the term was used extensivelly in the Middle Ages. There's Chaldia province with Trebizon, I've got no clue about. I assume it's right but one may reflect upon if needed. In the Ancient times the Northern Cappadocia was called Kapadokia Pontika what then transformed into Pontus. In the late antiquity it was supposed to be on the coast, so I thought that the coast with Trebizond would be called Pontus. Again. I'm ignorant on this matter.My initial proposal is that we replace names:
    --- Pamphylia (Konya) with Lycaonia,
    --- Lycia (Attaleia) with "Lycia and Pamphylia" or "Pamphylia"
    --- Lycaonia (Kayseri) with Southern Cappadocia,
    --- Souther Cappadocia (Malatya) with something different (Armenia Minor, Commagene or simply Malatya)

    Quote Originally Posted by Lifthrasir View Post
    Regarding the regions, I need to make further researches but there are records from Anna Komene in which she linked Qilij Arslan to Konya described as the old provincial center of Lycaonia. Though she's also inaccurate with names and geographical details
    Quote Originally Posted by Giorgios View Post
    Re province names, I think probably the ancient ones are best. A century earlier, you'd have been talking about the Byzantine theme of the Anatolikon, but as the themes never recovered during the SSHIP period, I think you'd be pushed to use them.
    Settlements' names:

    Qualiqala
    There's a city on the Euphratus/Firat called in arabic Qualiqala, armenian Karin, turkish Erzurum, greek Theodosiopoulis. I wonder which of these names should be used in the SSHIP. Now it's Qualiqala which seems to be right in 7-10 century, but perhaps not later on. It got its Turkish name after the invasions following the battle of Mantzikert (see here, but've read it elsewhere). It seems to me that in the SSHIP it should be Erzurum while playing the Turks and Karin while playing Geogria and Theodosioupolis while playing Vasileia ton Hromaion or Kiev./

    Konya
    Quote Originally Posted by Lifthrasir View Post
    There are sources mentioning Konya before 1134 AD.
    After the surrender of Nicaea in 1097 AD, Fulcher of Chartres mentioned already Konya. Some others Frankish sources described Konya as "a rich town, the inhabitants of which kindly received the armed pilgrims and supplied them with plenty of water and foodstuff".
    Quote Originally Posted by Giorgios View Post
    In terms of Konya vs Ikonion- what language did the Rum Sultans govern in? I wonder if the most "accurate" could be the Arabic- which I seem to remember is "Quniyyah", or something along those lines...
    Gameplay / starting positions

    (on 1132 start)
    Quote Originally Posted by Lifthrasir View Post
    On the gameplay side, remember that Rūm starts relatively weak compare to ERE and is surrounded by quite strong independant settlements.
    (on 1236 start)
    I think Rum in the High Era campaign (1236) is overpowered: it has 8 very developed provinces. Close to that moment it should also have a gigantic Mongol army at the gates (to be defeat Rum at Kose Dag 1243). I think in the SSHIP the Mongols come later in the High Era (I don't know how it's going) so we need to make the life of Rum harsher with the other means. It would be strange to have smaller and less developed settlements in the high era than in the early era though. So - Carthaginem delendam esse - I think that Konya should be nerfed much in the early campaign, and the game balance in 1132 should be restored through other means (like additional nomad army ready to take over more lands? This would be more historical and would leave the player space to develop this land during his own game, not be given with a 70k, 50k, 40k settlements...

    Last edited by Jurand of Cracow; July 22, 2017 at 04:02 PM.

  3. #3
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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    About the provinces' names:
    - Pamphylia (Konya) -> Lycaonia
    - Lycia (Attaleia) -> Lycia. Pamphylia is included in that province in game, like Phrygia is included in Galatia. Thought, only 1 name is used. I'd keep the same principle.
    - Lycaonia (Kayseri) -> Southern Cappadoacia. To stay "logical", it should be Western Cappadocia while the current Northern Cappadoacia should become Eastern Cappadocia. However, there's no "official" record with such names.
    - Southern Cappadocia (Malatya) -> Malatya or Armenia.Tertia. These are the only records I could find so far.
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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    About selyuk of rum unit roster, we talked it some time ago in the thread ''new faction units roster'' but in general would be this:
    Seljuks of rum should have ghazi troops. they very not just 'jihad' troops, but also veterans serving as frontiers. And should have plenty of horse archers.. Tribal, Tribal leaders(begs), etc etc.. Ghulams of seljuks of rum should fight in melee, to make it up for lack of melee ghulam cavalry. They would also have rumi spearmens, and azeri troops. Btw im speaking of seljuks of rum, not ottomans.. but some ottoman units like janiceries and sipahis could be added of course.
    So a lot of horse archers, archers, some spearmen and elite units in melee and ghazi troops
    The question is...someone have new models for make new roster for selyuks and other muslims factions?
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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    Ottoman units can be used as late units. We just need to choose these carefully to be sure it is realistic.
    But other wise, I agree with you. Rūm roster should be mostly based on horse archers and local mercenaries such as Armenians for instance (though I need to make some researches again ).
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  6. #6

    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    The Seljuks of Rum recruited Armenians?

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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    Not sure about that point. That's why I said that I need to make researches.
    The point on which I'm sure is that some settlements with a majority of Armenians preferred to be ruled by some Seljuks Emirs instead of by the ERE because that gave them some autonomy that the wouldn't got with the Byzzies. However, that's on the political side and I'm not sure that the military side worked that way as well.
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  8. #8

    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    Well yeah, the whole point of Muslim rule over Christians at the time was that they were exempt from military service in exchange for higher taxes.

    The only Christians I know Seljuks recruiting are western knights as mercenaries, but not Armenians.

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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    As said, I don't know if it was the case or not. For sure Armenians were used by Fatimids. For instance, Badr al-Jamali was a freed Armenian slave who became Vizier around 1073 AD. His army included Armenians, Christians and Turks.
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  10. #10

    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    Quote Originally Posted by Lifthrasir View Post
    Well, the title says all

    The discussion about the Seljuks of Rūm has started here, basically following remarks from JoC about Anatolia. I guess giving a specific thread to that faction is better to keep all info in one place.

    Basically, there are 3 points that need to be discussed:
    - Anatolian Provinces names
    - Banners and faction's symbol for Rūm
    - Units roster

    For those who are ready for a long read, have a look at the following link: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/saljuqs-iii
    That's probably one of the best source I've found so far about Rūm.
    As general this source is true. Maybe you realize that following link has already prepared from tons of books.

  11. #11
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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    I know. Why do you think I've posted that link?
    In a general manner, that site is very good when it comes about Medieval Middle East.

    About Armenians and Seljuks:
    At the heart of this narrative, therefore, lie two assumptions: that the Armenians were a unified community whose attitudes towards the Latins were similar, whether they resided in Jerusalem or on the shores of Lake Van, and that the Armenians were ideologically or religiously motivated in their alliances. Although both of these notions are problematic for historians of the Crusades and the Near East, the latter idea poses a more serious obstacle for understanding the history of Armenians during the Crusades, as it limits the Armenians to a specific confessional category.
    In addition to scholarship which makes reference to the Armenians under Crusader rule, there have also been works dealing with situation of Armenians living under Islamic rule between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries, covering roughly the period from the Turkish invasions to the Mongol conquests. Overwhelmingly, these scholars are concerned with the existence of Armenians in Anatolia under the Sejuks of Rūm, the Danishmandids of Cappadocia, and the Mongol Ilkhanids. One of the most important scholars in this regard has been Claude Cahen, whose work Pre-Ottoman Turkey or The Formation of Turkey has formed the basis for the modern understanding of the politics, economy, and society of Seljuk Anatolia. Although not concerned primarily with the Armenians, Cahen makes passing reference to this ethno-religious community throughout his work. Indeed, his survey of pre-Ottoman Anatolia makes it clear that the Armenians were an integral part of the social, religious, and economic landscape and played a variety of roles under Turkish Islamic rule. Throughout Cahen’s discussion, from the initial Turkish incursions culminating in the Battle of Manzikert in 1071 to the Mongol invasions in the thirteenth century, he makes it clear that the social and political history of Armenians was deeply tied to the various developments occurring in the Near East, and that it is necessary to understand both Armenian history and these developments (the Turkish invasions, the Crusades, the Mongol conquests) as a totality.
    More significantly, Cahen explains that the geo-political reality enabled various modes of interactions between the Armenians of Anatolia and their Muslim (and Christian) neighbors, explaining that the relationship between Armenians, Seljuks, Byzantines, Danishmandids, and Franks was extremely multi-faceted. As such, he differentiates between Armenians in different regions of Anatolia, and between the communities in Anatolia and the Armenians in Cilicia and the Latin kingdoms, explaining that the experience of each group differed immensely, despite the shared common linguistic and cultural heritage of the Armenians in these regions. In this regard, Cahen’s work is important in challenging traditional scholarship which casts Armenians as a monolithic community with “naturally” pro-Western/Christian sympathies. He does so by presenting a narrative in which Armenian warriors, priests, and architects were an essential part of the Seljuk Anatolia, where the Armenians often lived in close proximity with their Muslim neighbors, an experience punctuated by both tolerance and persecution but which was primarily characterized by a diverse Armenian experience which is difficult to simplify or essentialize. The major contribution of this category of scholars has been to contextualize Armenian history within that of the larger Near Eastern environment. However, with the exception of Cahen, most of the traditionalist historiography has been limited to brief description or ethnography, often over-simplifying the historical reality, and has failed to emphasize the diversity of the Armenian experience and the dynamic, and often multi-faceted relationship between the Armenians and their neighbors in the Near East.
    Full article here. So yes, I'm pretty sure that Armenians mercenaries were employed by Seljuks in Anatolia as they were by Zengids in Syria or Fatimids in Egypt.
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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    Below, some Rūm symbols that might be used for the banners:

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

    Can't remember where I found this one - my bad

    Some coins:

    Note the horse archer.


    Note the leopard/lion and sun which are originally Persian symbols.

    Horse ornament:
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  13. #13

    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)



  14. #14

    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)



    Here are some pictures for banners. Actually They are all same.

    P.S: Konya Büyükşehir Belediyesi - Konya Metropolitan Municipality

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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    Not all of them for sure. The double headed eagle was used by Rūm but I have serious doubt about the one with the bow honestly
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  16. #16

    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    I already provided their eagle imagery on the other thread, no bows anywhere.

  17. #17

    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    And the banners of rum selyuks and the great selyuk empire are the same or have some differences? At least for difference in thea game...
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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    From several sources:

    According to Qazvīnī (12th century), the Shiʿite kings had banners of white, green, and all other colors save black, while the Seljuk monarchs employed green, yellow, and red.

    The Seljuk dynasty (ruled in Iran 1037-1194 AD) became a great patron of Iranian arts, language, literature and culture. The Seljuks virtually revived a number of ancient Iranian mythological themes such as the Simugh (Iranic Phoenix), Homa (Iranic Griffin), the Stara (Iranic for “Star”), Shir e Iran (Lion of Persia/Iran), etc. (Consult Nafisi and Minovi in references).
    One example is the appearance of the mythical lion symbol on the coins of Sultan Ghiasol-Din Kay-khosrow (reigned 1236-1246 AD), one of the Seljuk rulers in Anatolia known by the ancient Iranic designation of “Rum“, in reference to the region’s Romano-Byzantine legacy. What is of interest is the ruler’s name which had both Sassanian (i.e. Khosrow) and Shahname (i.e. Kay) roots. The usage of the lion motif was evidently the Sultan’s attempt to symbolize his political and military prowess (see the coin I've posted in post #12).

    Below, some examples of banners (more from Persia than Anatolia but giving a good representation anyway):
    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 



    Seljuk bronze bowl (from Khorasan area - North-East of Iran):
    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

    Note the Griffin in it.


    From Varqa wa Gulsha manuscrit (Anatolia - 1250 AD):
    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

    Note the red and white squares motive in the middle (come back on this later)


    Note the shield's motives on the upper right corner


    Note the shield's motives in upper right corner again.
    Last edited by Lifthrasir; July 25, 2017 at 07:11 AM.
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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    As there's no evidence of the banners or flags used by the sultanate of Rūm (as fas as I know), and following what I've found above, I've started to look through their architectural legacy.

    Of course, probably the most famous symbol left is the double headed eagle, appearing on various buildings and looking like this:


    Note that this one is represented inside a shield or similar thing.

    I was finally lucky when I found a study about how to preserve the painted city walls of Alanya (by Nick Krabbenhöft - School of Social Sciences, Koē University, Saryer, Istanbul, Turkey), a settlement successively Roman/Greek (ERE), Armenian (of Cilicia) and Seljuk (of Rūm) during the 12th-13th centuries. Below, a quick and simplified summary

    The medieval city of Alanya functioned as a port, a garrison, and a royal residence at the same time. The walls surrounding the variety of activities measure 5 kilometers, and examples of plaster and paint can be found at many points along them.

    A city wall's physical defensive characteristics do not encapsulate its entire purpose. Rulers took advantage of the visual space to echo the glories of past empires, proclaim their own greatness, or imbue the walls with supernatural protection. In doing so, they marked their relationship with history, with their dominion, and with the greater world.
    After his victory at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge in 312, Constantine erected the last triumphal arch in Rome. The Roman emperors built the triplearched gateways in order to mark a signicant victory and the beginning of the resulting triumphal procession. Emperor Theodosius I continued the tradition in building the Golden Gate to commemorate his victory over the usurper Magnus Maximus. As an empire, the Byzantines continued to refer to themselves as Romans in name, in their usage of architectural forms, and other traditions until their final defeat in 1453.

    The Seljuks of Rum had established a dynasty in a land populated with the relics of antiquity. While they continued presenting the Persianate culture of court with quotations from the Shahnameh and reliefs of angels, the inclusion of a colossal Roman nude gives lie to the idea that the Seljuks sought to legitimize their place using both the language of the Great Seljuks in Iran and that of their dominion.


    Leon de la Borde's engraving of the walls of Konya from "Voyage de l'Asie Mineure" (19th century). Note the double headed eagle above the gate.

    Seljuks, Armenians, and Byzantines alike placed carved stone inscriptions into the walls they built or repaired in order to mark work. The prestige of the inscriptions demanded that most were carved in marble, even though the stone may have been hidden from the viewer. Several Seljuk inscriptions still bear traces of a white paint in the relieved portions and red on the frame and letters. Additionally, Ibn Bibi reports that Alaeddin had inscriptions at Alanya gilded, and the Golden Gate's inscription was made of bronze letters mounted into the marble.

    Beside the inscription formulas typically asking for God's forgiveness, inscriptions also functioned as a marker for the builder to promote themselves. For instance, The Seljuk inscription program of Sinop's city walls from their rebuilding in 1215 reveals a complex hierarchal system determining the structure of an inscription. Because Sultan Izzeddin Keykavus (1211-1220) divided the responsibility of constructing the walls amongst his emirs and subordinates, each emir placed a panel bearing their own and the sultan's name and title on the section they funded. Their rank determined the size of their panel and length of the inscription. While patronage inscriptions were written in Arabic, another inscription from Sinop, written in Persian, places the Sultan in the epic context of the Shahnameh, a practice mirrored in the walls of Konya. Although none survive in situ, reliefs which depicted mythic creatures may have further invoked the Shahnameh at both Sinop and Konya. As channels of a supernatural world, these figural sculptures of grins, dragons, and the like may have acted as apotropaic guardians of the walls.

    In the Byzantine context, icons and relics invoked a similar channel of supernatural protection. During desperate moments, the citizens of Constantinople would parade the icon of the Virgin Mary along the ramparts of the walls, matching the city's boundaries with a line of heavenly protection. Another common feature of Christian walls was the inclusion of crosses into the fabric. This could take the form of relief sculpture carved into the lintel of a gate as seen in numerous Byzantine constructions or the use of dierent colored stones to pick out a cross in the midst of a curtain wall or tower. The best example of this practice exists at the Armenian walls of Ani where builders used black basalt to place crosses into the fabric of red stone and then highlighted the crosses with glazed ceramics in their centers. The Armenians further decorated their gates with reliefs sculptures of dragons and lions.

    Animals could also signal the royal house that built the walls. Sultan Alaeddin Keykubad adopted the double-headed eagle as a personal device, a relief carving of which survives from the Konya walls. A number of lions, symbols of royalty in Anatolia and other regions for millennia, also survive. Surrounding Muslim states employed similar devices, with a pair of lions on the belvedere of Melik Sah in Divrigi, a double-headed eagle used by al-Malik al-Salih Mahmud (1201-1222) on the walls of Artuqid Diyarbakr, and a lion used by Baybars I (1260-1277) on the walls of Mamluk Cairo. The figural relief programs often group royal, mythological, and seemingly unrelated animals such as fish and dogs. While this obfuscates the intended meaning, most scholars posit that diversity of figures implies the complexity of the rulers' view of themselves as kings in a temporal and eternal sense.

    More than just dictating the builders' message, city walls served as a zone for dialogue between the ruler and his land. The height of walls simultaneously increased the defenders' advantage and the rulers' ability to command sweeping views of their territory. Built on top of the citadel walls, the Kilic Arslan Pavilion in Konya allowed sultans to gaze on the city from above, and the Seljuk palace in Alanya included a pavilion overlooking the Mediterranean. Similarly, Melik Sah's Aslanburc looked upon the city of Divrigi below. When he was not in the pavilion, the pair of lions kept watch. Obviously, rulers wished to observe their dominion as much as they demanded their subjects to recognize them. The situation of the Konya palace on the edge of the city and the movement of the Byzantine court from the Great Palace to the Blachernai bespeak of a further desire to be recognized as an independent yet integral component of the capital.

    Finally, city walls functioned as a canvas for political announcements. These could take the form of trophies taken during a military campaign as seen in the mace heads hanging next to the Pazar Kaps of Konya in Texier's book. They could also warn the populace of the consequences of treachery. For instance, after discovering a plot by the commander of Alanya Castle, Alaeddin had the offending commander executed in a castle tower and then hung outside. The belvedere of the Blachernai was built on top of a prison used since Alexios Komnenos's reign to house perpetrators of treasonous activities. In 1086, Alexius I sent troops bearing his imperial military standards and scepters to aid the Turkish ruler of beseiged Nicaea. By displaying these above the main gate, the Byzantines convinced the attacking forces that they had committed a much larger force.

    The primary purpose of city walls was providing for defense, but they also had large communicative roles. During their construction, rulers imprinted their legacy on the walls through inscriptions, sculptures, and architectural additions. However, past the initial forming of a wall's esthetics, their communicative power was continually updated. Rulers displayed temporal symbols of their power, the results of defeated conspiracies and of great victories, on the walls. In the midst of battle, great heights separated the opposing sides, but not great enough to silence the insults and jeers bandied back and forth.

    The capital of the Seljuks of Rum, Konya, functioned as the empire's administrative and center, but it was not the only major political center. Every spring, the Sultan marshaled his troops for campaigns on the plains outside of Kayseri. To escape the cold Anatolian winters, the Sultan and his court retreated to the city of Alanya after its subjugation in 1221. Alaeddin complemented each of these centers with a palace complex. He augmented the existing palace in Konya with the sprawling Kubadabad on the near Lake Beysehir. In Kayseri he constructed the Keykubadiye, and in Alanya he built another three-courtyard palace within the _Ickale.

    Because travel between each of his residences would take several days, the Sultan provided for his own comfort by building smaller pavilions along the route such as the aforementioned one at Alara and another in the Roman theater of Aspendos. Medieval builders not only recycled building materials, but also entire buildings. For instance, theaters lost their purpose with the institutionalization of Christian authoriy; however, populations found other uses for them as sections of city walls or citadels. At Aspendos (South Anatolia), the Seljuks converted parts of the stage building into royal living quarters. To do so, they tiled the interior walls, built belvederes, and plastered the exterior walls. Within the theater they painted the plaster with red-and-white zigzag (Figure below). Outside the theater, they incised the belvedere's plaster with imitation ashlar lines to mimic the existing fabric, and painted the incisions with red.


    Theater in Aspendos. Note the zigzags on the right.


    Hypothetical reconstruction drawing of the zigzags painted on the Aspendos theater from Redford 1993.

    The decoration of the Kiliē Arslan II pavilion in Konya breaks with the red-and-white decorations described so far. The area between two of its corbels was painted with a pattern of yellow and red rectangles.





    Since Alaeddin rebuilt the walls of Alanya, it is unknown whether this decoration dates to the pavilion's original construction in the 1170s. Either way, the pattern bears more resemblance to designs used to border frescoes in medieval Georgian and Armenian churches than to any Seljuk examples. Additionally, there are no examples of contemporary buildings with yellow paint on the exterior.

    In the context of thirteenth-century Anatolia, exterior plastering and painting was used towards dierent ends. The Byzantines employed it to further the decorative programs of their churches with colorful frescoes. For less expensive churches, plaster could hide cheap materials and mimic more prestigious ones. The use of plaster on fortications appears to be a practical consideration more than an esthetic one.

    In contrast, the Seljuks had a decidedly more limited palette of red and white, which could disguise construction material, depict gures, or blazon a building with zigzags and checkerboards. With this in mind, it is possible to consider a new body of evidence found on the medieval walls of Alanya Castle.
    Last edited by Lifthrasir; July 27, 2017 at 08:17 AM. Reason: Updated
    Under the patronage of Flinn, proud patron of Jadli, from the Heresy Vault of the Imperial House of Hader

  20. #20
    Lifthrasir's Avatar "Capre" Dunkerquois
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    Default Re: The Sultanate of Rūm (info and units)

    In this post, I'm just showing the pics and the drawings of the remaining plasters on the walls. Credit goes to the same author as above

    - Below: The interior and exterior of the main gate.




    -
    A coat of plaster covers the entire outer face of the wall. Artists painted elds of red-and-white checkerboards on the interior and exterior walls flanking the gate. The eld to the right of the gat on the exterior had a red border around its perimeter. They accentuated the inner arch with a red floral design and a red geometric design.

    - Some more geometrical motives from the walls:

    -
    The crenellation carried an incised two-line red-and-white checkerboard register and an incised red shield on a white ground. The gure in the center was left unpainted in the center of the shield, with free-handed brushstrokes resembling feathers and tufting.
    On personal note, shame that that shield is not more visible. These red-and-white squares don't make you remember some pics from 2 posts above

    -

    -
    The crenellation carried a pattern of two incised, concentric, isosceles triangles with a downward pointing vertex. Within the inner triangle, two incised lines point to the upper right vertex.


    -
    The crenellation carried a pattern of grid of squares, measuring approximately 8 cm a side and subdivided by a diagonal, typically from the top left to the lower right. Artists painted the entire composition white and then apparently painted the lower triangle of each square red. Note that this is also a motive shown 2 posts above

    -
    The crenellation carried a pattern of false ashlar masonry formed by inscribing rows of parallel lines. Artists then incised further lines for a pattern within each block. Many of these designs are compass constructions.

    - Below, the Griffins (according to the author):

    -
    The crenellation carried an incised quadruped facing right, painted in red on top of a white ground. An area of red paint near the top of the crenellation corresponds with the approximate location of a griffin's wing. Several inscribed lines run the length of the hind legs. Two of them are boundary lines, but one is contained entirely within the painted area, and the other runs to the left of the painted area. Additonally there are incised parallel lines between the fore and hind legs of the animal.

    -
    The crenellation carried an incised griffin facing left, painted in red on top of a white ground.

    So, all in all, I think that we can reasonnably use these geometrical motives, the lion and the griffin symbols (in addition to the double headed eagle) for the Seljuks of Rum.
    Last edited by Lifthrasir; July 27, 2017 at 08:58 AM.
    Under the patronage of Flinn, proud patron of Jadli, from the Heresy Vault of the Imperial House of Hader

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